Why are some countries uneasy about Narendra Modi’s bear hug for Vladimir Putin?

One wonders: if US President Donald Trump could roll out the red carpet for Putin in Alaska in August, should anyone object to Modi doing the same?

The US and Europe—which view Putin’s “special military operations” in Ukraine as aggression and a blatant violation of sovereignty—have so far been unable to end the Russia-Ukraine war. Despite Trump’s repeated claims that he could resolve the conflict “in one day” or “within a week” of taking office, the war continues, now threatening to enter its fifth year, even as he completes his first year in the White House.

Trump may continue to claim that the conflict wouldn’t have started if he had been president in 2022, but that doesn’t explain why he has had no success in resolving it, despite reportedly good relations with Putin—a definite black mark against the US's “deal-maker in chief”.

Putin’s visit is indeed a statement, coming at a time when the Trump administration is making a renewed push for peace between Russia and Ukraine, while simultaneously holding trade talks with India

For Putin, the visit was important to signal that he has friends beyond China, North Korea, and Iran.

For India, the visit was an opportunity to assert its independent foreign policy on the global stage. As the world’s most populous country, the fifth-largest economy, and a major engine of global growth, India aspires to be a key pole in a multipolar world. It would therefore be ill-advised for New Delhi to meekly follow diktats from Washington or elsewhere.

Moreover, Russia is neither Venezuela nor Iran—countries India could afford to distance itself from. While New Delhi looks to Washington and other partners for the latest technology and investment, Russia, a permanent member of the UN Security Council, has remained a reliable partner for decades. Much of India’s defence equipment is still of Russian origin, despite efforts to diversify procurement in recent years.

For instance, the S-400 missile defence system, which protected us against a barrage of drones and missiles from Pakistan during Operation Sindoor, is of Russian origin. The acquisition deal was concluded in 2018 during Putin’s visit for the annual India-Russia summit. Given the strategic challenges New Delhi faces—Pakistan, China, and efforts to limit its regional influence—maintaining strong ties with Russia remains imperative.

But what did the visit accomplish beyond optics? Several concrete outcomes stand out:

A mobility agreement allowing Indian blue-collar workers, such as those in construction, to seek employment in Russia.

A naval training pact under which Russia will train Indian sailors for operations along the Arctic route. This is particularly significant, as the melting of Arctic ice opens up new shipping lanes. For perspective, China has already used the Arctic route to dispatch its first commercial consignments to the UK.

A defence manufacturing agreement to promote joint production in India of spare parts, components, and aggregates for Russian-origin arms and equipment. Under the Make-in-India programme, this will involve technology transfer and the establishment of joint ventures to meet India’s needs, as well as exports to mutually friendly third countries.

Beijing has been vocally supportive of multipolarity and free and fair trade, making it appear a more reasonable partner than the US.

That said, Macron’s visit had mixed results. He was accompanied by Chinese President Xi on a rare trip outside Beijing to Chengdu, seen as a singular gesture.

But beyond the optics, Macron did not secure assurances on a deal for 500 passenger aircraft from Airbus. Xi may be using the order as leverage in any negotiations with Washington, with the US also seeking to secure the order for Boeing.

There was also no assurance that Xi would exert pressure on Putin for a seemingly fair deal on Ukraine.

Begum Zia, widow of former army commander and ex-president of Bangladesh Ziaur Rahman, fell ill in late November and was moved to the intensive care unit of a private hospital in Dhaka.

Begum Zia herself is a former prime minister, having held the position three times; she was also the first woman PM of Bangladesh. Her rivalry with the ousted prime minister, Bangladesh Awami League's Sheikh Hasina, is legendary and popularly called the “Battle of the Begums”.

Like Hasina, Begum Zia knows the pain of assassination—her husband was shot dead in 1981, which propelled her into the rough and tumble of Bangladeshi politics. Begum Zia spent her last few years in detention but was freed a day after Hasina was ousted on 5 August 2024.

Since Hasina’s ouster, Begum Zia’s BNP has emerged as the favourite to win the upcoming polls, expected in February 2026. In the past, the BNP teamed up with the radical Jamaat-e-Islami, which has been seen as having links with Pakistan. This explains why New Delhi has traditionally been wary of her and BNP, while maintaining warmer ties with Hasina.

Meanwhile, in an X post, Modi said: “Deeply concerned to learn about the health of Begum Khaleda Zia, who has contributed to Bangladesh’s public life for many years. Our sincere prayers and best wishes for her speedy recovery. India stands ready to extend all possible support, in whatever way we can.”

This message has been well received by the BNP and has sparked speculation that it could mark the start of renewed Indian engagement with the party.

Elizabeth Roche is an associate professor of pratice, O.P. Jindal Global University, Sonipat, Haryana.